When Robinson Crusoe was shipwrecked on his island in the Pacific he recorded his circumstances in a ledger with the “evil that had befallen him” in contrast to the “good” that was also his lot.

Our post-Brexit future shares common characteristics with Robinson Crusoe. We face adversity, we are in it on our own and the position is self-inflicted.

It’s a pity we do not keep a journal and do not record ‘good’ and ‘evils’ which have befallen us. This column continuously argues for such ‘cost-benefit’ analysis. And this government steadfastly refuses to publish any of its findings on our post-Brexit future.

We do not know what post-Brexit future might look like.

Broadly speaking only hard Brexit and soft Brexit are discussed.

Hard Brexit is when Robinson Crusoe found the shipwreck was washed away and he couldn’t rely on the provisions taken from the marooned ship – he was there, on his own, relying on his wit and resourcefulness.

Soft Brexit is somehow assuming the stranded ship will stay there for some time (two years? five years?) and regular journeys between the shore and the ship will be maintained.

Both positions are intellectually weak (as is the whole concept of Brexit itself, where intellectual vigour is just simply absent).

Hard and soft Brexit are the pre-Copernicus concept of the world, where the Earth was the centre of the universe and the stars were permanently fixed to crystal spheres.

Both positions assume that, like Robinson Crusoe, ‘Britannia’ will survive on her own wits and resourcefulness where the outside world, if it is considered at all, is not present or is reduced to passive observers or demoted just to acceptance of our own decision.

We continue in this ‘Brit-centred model’ only at our perils.

Hence, we need to move away from our ‘Brit-centred universe’. We need to develop our own post-Brexit future. If we don’t, our options will be reduced to crashing out or crashing in.

There is, just about, a possibility that our post-Brexit future might be defined shortly: the Conservatives describing ‘hard Brexit’, Labour working out ‘soft Brexit’, and the Liberals specifying how the UK can remain in the EU.

Only then would a vote in Parliament, referendum on the result of the negotiations, or indeed a general election make sense. Because only then the voters would be given meaningful options.

Developing our post-Brexit future we must engage with the Europeans – because, like it or not, the EU countries are reacting to Brexit and they are not in a fixed position where they see an imaginary crystal ball orbiting the UK.

And here is the warning: there is now a very substantial and powerful lobby in the EU which would benefit from complete, unadulterated Brexit: kicking the UK out. Now and forever.

BMW knows that losing the UK market will be more than offset by fewer Jaguars being sold in the EU. (Jaguar knows that too which is why it is building a huge factory in Slovakia).

Frankfurt property developers chalk up their asset values every time Brexit talks falter, prosecco-Brexit pales into insignificance with Italian business eying Southern European countries now, as a result of Brexit, keen to fully integrate into the EU.

Not to mention the French enticing businesses to relocate to France. What do you think Macron will support? An increase in job opportunities when businesses relocate from a kicked out Britain? Or as yet unspecified business benefits from an as yet unspecified ‘trading arrangement’?

I can just see French car workers parading down Champs-Élysées with placards: Nissan out! French cars for French workers!

At the end Robinson Crusoe concludes that “All evils are to be considered with the good that is in them, and with what worse attends them”.

So, there is hope. But both Leavers and Remainers must press their respective political allies to formulate clearly Britain’s future after March 2019. Only then will providence smile on us and a rescue ship emerge.

George Smid is chair of the European Movement East Midlands.

No sooner had Messrs Hammond and Fox published a joint article to show ‘unity of purpose’ than David Davis declared he knew nothing about it. And as soon as the same David Davis assured the public that there was indeed a ‘Brexit United’ team, other ‘fellow ministers’ suggested the unity would ‘inevitably fall apart’.

What’s going on?

It shows that ‘Brexit’ has evolved into an all embracing, abstract statement. Brexit has become another metaphysical word in the same category as love, hate, justice, freedom. What Brexit means depends on ‘what you mean by Brexit’. Different people will have different Brexits.

Any recent Brexit topic – Irish border, EU citizenship, transition period, divorce payment, single market – has had as many proposals offered as speakers. (Sometimes we hear different suggestions even from the same politician.)

Very often the proposed way forward relies on an unspecified reference to the future: digital border crossing, face recognition controls, new technology. Tacit acknowledgement we do not have a clue. The standard EU response is that the proposals are just fantasy.

With each of us pulling in different directions on Brexit, can we move forward?

Leaving the EU (or any partnership) has two dimensions: emotional and technical.

The emotional is illustrated by the abstract terms above. These terms are relative: Take ‘freedom’: in June, the EU scrapped roaming charges. Now you can use a mobile phone in any EU country without paying roaming charges.

The freedom of the user not to pay restricts the freedom of the operator to charge.

The question is not of intangible ‘freedom’ but which freedom you prefer: either your mobile operator is free to charge, or you are free to roam.

Another example is the introduction of new identity cards (renamed as ‘entitlement to care’ and ‘settled status’ cards). This will restrict our personal freedoms in the name of recapturing ‘abstract’ freedom from the EU.

And how many Lincolnshire farmers who voted to be free from Brussels knew they voted for the freedom to import chlorinated chicken and hormone loaded beef?

The technical issues are easier to deal with as they can be described by their material consequences. Like £350 million per week for NHS (which we will not get).

This promise illustrates the difficulty of technical, measurement based, evaluation. You can promise anything and deliver nothing.

In this relative perception of what Brexit is and the uncertainty of unknown future there is only one agreement: Remainers and Leavers do agree that after Brexit there will be a period of hardship of perhaps five years.

After five years Remainers claim the hardship will prevail; they see parallels with 1956 (Suez) and 1976 (UK had to be bailed out by IMF).

Leavers maintain the hardship is justified because from 2024 onwards we will be the leading nation of the world.

In the absence of a broad agreement the fudge is ‘the transition period’. Corbyn and May might settle for that – for different reasons and with different hopes of what will happen when the transition ends.

A transition period is meaningless if we do not know what we are ‘transiting into’. The ‘Brextremists’ are right: there is no point in prolonging the indecision.

The last few weeks have shown that we are more remote from a deal as ministers are even more divided and the clock is ticking.

Without a Brexit deal there will be two most likely outcomes:

We will crash out – Today this looks like ‘the best deal for Britain’ this government is capable of delivering. Off the cliff scenario.

Or we will crash in – the government will not secure a deal with the EU and will not agree to leaving on WTO terms. In panic the UK will crash in back to the EU.

Where politicians fail people have to fill the void. Ask yourself: was the EU the cause of my difficulties? Will I be better off or worse off outside?

Talk to your MP: How much EU money was spent in your area? Can your MP assure you the same amount of money will be spend in future? Is the reason why I wanted to leave likely to happen? Are Lincolnshire farmers ‘addicted to subsidies’?

The answers will tell you if you prefer crash in or crash out.

George Smid is chair of the European Movement East Midlands.

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